yfiles:

Is that Spain will beat the United States to win the Olympic basketball gold medal this summer. Their six NBA players—Pau Gasol, Marc Gasol, Serge Ibaka, Ricky Rubio, José Calderon, and Rudy Fernandez—are all underrated. Juan Carlos Navarro was a second round guy who only played one season in the…

This is fine as far as it goes. But here are the five best players on the 20 man Olympic roster:

LeBron James

Dwyane Wade

Chris Paul

Dwight Howard

Kobe Bryant

I want to see Jose Calderon guard Chris Paul and Ricky Rubio guard Derrick Rose.

Also, as we see on the Heat, if you can have that type of speed and size on the wings, it’s both very difficult to run your offense and you’re always susceptible to fast breaks that can happen more or less out of nowhere. 

Tyson Chandler anchoring the second unit makes the US fearsome.

The Fed and the ECB

James Pethokoukis, one of the most prolific and effective of the growing tribe of conservative policy bloggers, passes along this nugget from investment analyst Ed Yardeni:

Given the ECB’s reluctance to act, I suspect that the Fed will spearhead the formation of a Global Liquidity Facility (GLF) to avert a global financial meltdown. Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke demonstrated that he is a master at putting together such emergency measures back in 2008. In effect, it would act as the world’s central bank. Mr. Bernanke is clearly very worried about the prospect that the European sovereign debt crisis is a contagion that could spread to the US, as evidenced by his bizarre town hall meeting with troops returning from Iraq on November 10. The GLF would receive deposits from the Fed and other participating central banks, including the ECB. The funds would be used to buy the bonds of debt-challenged governments that would be required to accept strict supervision of their fiscal and regulatory policies by the IMF.

You might be thinking that I’ve gone mad. Actually, I’m simply predicting the behavior of our wild and crazy Fed officials. Last Wednesday, Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren noted that the Fed and the ECB worked together during the 2008 global market meltdown, and “if there was a (new) crisis I would expect that there would be some coordinated activities (again). We would want to make sure … that people have access to short-term credit markets.” He added, “We’re not at that point right now, but there are clearly stresses in short-term credit markets.” He said, “We’re watching that very closely, and if it becomes appropriate for us to take more actions to try to relieve that, I fully assume that we would do something.” Mr. Rosengren isn’t on the FOMC, but he is one of Mr. Bernanke’s most supportive colleagues.

The problem here is that if you were a reader and all you knew about what the Fed did with the ECB in 2007 and 2008 was what you get from Yardeni, and then you might think that what Yardeni thinks the Fed might do soon — despite zero actual evidence that the Fed has considered this, planned this or considered planning this — is a plausible scenario.

The problem is that since Yardeni doesn’t know anything about the Fed contingency plans, but still thinks they might do something crazy in response to the slow-motion financial crises in Europe. As evidence for the Fed’s propensity to do crazy things, he points to the foreign exchange swamps with the ECB and several other foreign central banks. 

But what Yardeni is referring to — as in, what actually happened in late 2007 — was nothing like the Fed taking deposits and then bailing out sovereign nations so that their debt yields can go down and then can sustainably finance their governments.

Instead, in late 2007, European banks had a lot of dollar-denominated assets, but not a lot of dollars. They usually got dollars in the interbank lending market, but when three BNP Paribas hedge funds suspended redemptions, the interbank lending markets froze up.
This was an especially large problem for European banks who needed to fund their dollar-denominated assets.

American banks were sitting on plenty of dollars from their depositors, but European banks were not. The Fed, of course, has more dollars than them all, so they stepped into the breach and, in order to support interbank lending, opened up swap lines with foreign central banks. 

The New York Fed describes how this worked;
The swaps involved two transactions. At initiation, when a foreign 
central bank drew on its swap line, it sold a specified quantity of its 
currency to the Fed in exchange for dollars at the prevailing market 
exchange rate. At the same time, the Fed and the foreign central 
bank entered into an agreement that obligated the foreign central 
bank to buy back its currency at a future date at the same exchange 
rate. Because the exchange rate for the second transaction was set 
at the time of the first, there was no exchange rate risk associated 
with the swaps.
The foreign central bank lent the borrowed dollars to institutions 
in its jurisdiction through a variety of methods, including variable rate and fixed-rate auctions. In every case, the arrangement was 
between the foreign central bank and the institution receiving 
funds. The foreign central bank determined the eligibility of 
institutions and the acceptability of their collateral. And the foreign 
central bank remained obligated to return the dollars to the Fed and 
bore the credit risk for the loans it made.
At the conclusion of the swap, the foreign central bank paid the 
Fed an amount of interest on the dollars borrowed that was equal to 
the amount the central bank earned on its dollar lending operations.
If you didn’t know anything about the Fed’s swap lines, you might read Yardeni and think he was on to something. It seems like journalists with the time and inclinations to actually explain the Fed’s actions in 2007 and 2008 should do so for the benefit of their readers, and not let enthusiastic commentators take advantage of the public’s ignorance. 

How To Best Help the Poor

If you listen to Paul Ryan and his admirers in the right-wing opinion journalism world, you have heard over and over again that the best way to deal with economic problems is through solid, long-term growth which will end up lifting the fortunes of the worst off and improving economic mobility. This is from his response to the CBO’s report on inequality.

The question for policymakers is not how best to redistribute a shrinking economic pie. The focus ought to be on increasing living standards, expanding the pie of economic opportunity, and promoting upward mobility for all.

And here’s Ryan in an interview with Tucker Carlson in Esquire.

I’m not bothered by people who become successful. I’m bothered by a society that makes it harder for people to find success who have never found it before. Like my mentor, Jack Kemp, I don’t worry about people who are wealthy. I worry about making it easier for people to become wealthy who have never seen it before. That’s what I’m worried about. So I don’t see life as a zero-sum game. The economy is not a zero-sum system, in which someone’s gain necessarily comes at someone’s loss. Let’s pride ourselves on success. Let’s be excited about entrepreneurs. Let’s celebrate achievement and hard work and innovation and wealth creation. Let’s not demonize it. Let’s not divide it. So rather than speaking to people in class terms, rather than creating emotions of fear, envy, anxiety, and anger, let’s appeal to their aspirations. Let’s get opportunity into the pockets of poverty that haven’t seen it before. Let’s get a society of upward mobility and appeal to that.

So, if we get the growth policy right — through reductions in entitlement spending growth that provide budget headroom to keep taxes on high incomes and investment low indefinitely — than we can better help those who are the worst off. Mere redistribution, Ryan argues, does not just only provide temporary relief for the worst off, but by strangling the engine of economic growth through the imposition of the high taxes necessary to maintain our current welfare state, actually ends up hurting the poor the most. This is supply-side Rawlsianism, and as Ryan more or less says right out, it was a hallmark of Jack Kemp.

The Financial Times, however, had an article a few days ago that summarized some academic research showing that high growth did little for the poorest if it not accompanied by robust transfer and social welfare programs:


The study looked not just at what happened to post-tax incomes during
periods of faster and slower growth but also the effects of the
transfer of a variety of benefits of cash or near-cash benefits.

All of the countries that saw living standards rise for lower income
groups – the UK, Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark – had programmes
in place when economic activity was strong that benefited low-earning
households.

However, in countries that had few or no transfer programmes in place
during high-growth periods – the US, Canada and Switzerland –
low-earning households saw little benefit. This finding means “that as
a general rule, growth has not trickled down to low income households
through wages or employment”, the report concludes.

“When government transfers haven’t grown, wages and employment haven’t
stepped in to take their place. Instead, low income households have
had little or no income growth,” it says.

I have no doubt that Paul Ryan genuinely believes that vastly reforming entitlements to make them a smaller portion of the federal budget and lowering taxes will end up helping the poorest — even if, in the short run, their taxes either stay the same or go up and their transfers shrink — because of the high growth that will be unleashed. The evidence seems to indicate otherwise.